– I own over 200 corporations in the United States and those corporations are people too. Had we gotten to vote only once for every corporation that we own, the results of this election would be quite different. –
N. Ram delivers the James Cameron Memorial Lecture 2012:
“Nobody knows what the long term holds for India’s news media. It should be possible, through some kind of regulation, to reform the system to put an end to the major ethical transgressions, not to mention rogue practices like paid news. But I have no illusions about what it will take to reverse the tendencies that put enormous pressure on independent, professional journalism. My personal hope is that feel-good journalism, focus-group-led journalism, ad-dictated journalism, journalism that sees no need to take account of basic realities – the mass poverty and the multiple deprivations in a country where two-thirds of the population subsist on less than two dollars a day – can be discredited by good, sensitive, progressive journalism that attracts public support. My hope is that effective incentives, moral and material, can be put in place in significant sections of the news media for taking up the basic concerns of hundreds of millions of ordinary Indians – and projecting them, with social responsibility, into the public sphere.”
“…Another approach to capture tack-sharp and high-quality pictures is to photograph in raw. Working in raw is equivalent to generating a negative of the photo. The camera will photograph the image in a manner that is a whole lot sharper and more detailed than JPEG.”
The size of each image, however, is in the region of 30 MB, so fewer photographs per card.
RAW photographs can, of course, be converted to JPEG or other formats, and, in certain cases, “you can concurrently shoot in RAW and JPEG.”
For those who use Nikon, the Nikon Electronic Format (NEF) is Nikon’s RAW file format; see
Professor Enfu Cheng, President of the Academy of Marxism at the Chinese Academy of Social Science discusses and evaluates seven trends in social theory in China today: “neo-liberalism, democratic socialism, new leftism, eclectic Marxism, orthodox Marxism, revivalism and innovative Marxism.”
In 1981, India made a request for the largest loan ever under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “Under the access limits then in effect, India could draw up to SDR 7.7 billion ($9 billion) from the Fund over a three-year period (equivalent to 450 percent of its quota).”
Of the deal, and of the conditionality to which India agreed (in secret) to adhere, an Executive Director of the IMF said: “[The] Fund could wish no more than to exercise its leverage with all prospective borrowers in the way it did in the Indian case.”
The exposure of IMF conditionality by N Ram was the most important event in investigative journalism in India at the time. It is interesting to learn now, from a history of the IMF, that, “because of the sensitivity of the information and the delicacy of the negotiations, [the IMF] management regarded this leak as ‘quite possibly the most serious and damaging . . . in the history of the Fund.’”
Read about the IMF-India deal at the link below (pp 709 ff.)
“I am still,’’ Janah says, “undoubtedly a believer in socialism.’’ Capitalism remains for him an “insane system, based on greed. Its basic feature is that the greedier you are, the higher you go – this is hardly a society, it is a wilderness.’’
At the University of Virginia, the Board of Visitors, which is led by a real estate developer, decided that the university should be run like a Fortune 500 company, and forced the resignation of the school’s President, Teresa Sullivan.
Sullivan’s “supporters have rallied to her defence, rocking the campus with massive protests demanding her reinstatement.”
“Take the Flour Back has described genetically modified crops as ‘not properly tested.’ Yet when tests are carried out protesters plan to destroy them before any useful information can be obtained. We don’t see how preventing the acquisition of knowledge is a defensible position in an age of reason. What such groups are planning to do is reminiscent of clearing books from a library because you wish to stop other people discovering their contents. Such actions do not have a proud tradition.”
Tomas Borge Martinez, one of the founders of Nicaragua’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, or FSLN) and former Nicaraguan Interior Minister, died on Monday.
The FSLN was formed in July 1961, in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, by Carlos Fonseca, Silvio Mayorga, Noel Guerrero (who left the FSLN and the revolutionary movement) and Tomas Borge. The event is described in Borge’s tribute to Carlos Fonseca (who was killed in 1976, three years before the Sandinistas won the revolutionary war), a book titled Carlos, the dawn is no longer beyond our reach.
From the period of anti-Somoza struggle and through the 11 years of the first FSLN government and later, Borge was considered to be on the left of the FSLN.
Two extracts from Borge’s writing.
On being told of the killing of Carlos Fonseca (Borge was then a prisoner in Somoza’s most notorious jail):
“The Commander at the Tipitapa prison came to my small cell, jubilant…He gave me the news: ‘Carlos Fonseca is dead.’ After a few moments of silence, I answered: ‘You’re wrong, colonel. Carlos is one of the dead who never die.’ The colonel said, ‘You guys are something else.’”
And from Tomas Borge’s poem, “Che,” published in his collection Have You Seen a Red Curtain in My Weary Chamber?:
If yet again we divide history
it must be from that October day
when some learned to tremble
seeing that the fire of the gods
burns in the hearts of men.
We learned, Commandante, that no one
can console us, for those who might
do so must themselves be consoled,
and after all is said and done, what we require
is something else –
How to kill death
how to resurrect life
how, in hell, to visualise utopia.